(Rio de Janeiro, 1947), jurist, sociologist and legal philosopher begins his studies university degree in law in Brazil, a country which he left in 1970 to move to the United States, at Harvard University. Here, then, completes his studies and was appointed Professor of Law.
Unger stands a very young age as an activist and theorist giving life starting in the late sixties to the current of thought that recognizes the so-called Critical Legal Studies. In recent years, Unger has also embraced the way of active politics by joining the progressive of the government of his country of origin.
Unger develops his theory as early as his book Knowledge and politics that sees the light in the first half of the seventies (1975, the Italian translation of the book was published in Italy in 1983) of the last century.
The peculiarities of the thought of Unger appear due to a variety of factors, two of which are absolute relief. The first is that he is the author of a doctrine that seems to have, at least in the first instance and with reference to the objectives pursued, that's very utopian and perhaps even, as stated in the commentary published in The New York Times back cover the Italian edition of his latest book, What Should the proposed left? (2005) of 'visionary', but it certainly is a driving and relentless critical to the system and its liberal aspects not shared. In his latest work Unger is also responsible for the consequences of liberal policies of most immediate perception of the people, such as those related to real economic forces that in developed countries and those in development made have not yet achieved (in the case of Brazil, a country of origin Unger), prevent the achievement of a more acceptable level of justice and democracy. Unger tackles the problem of justice by making a theoretical proposition or, as it would be better to say, and moreover, he argues, a 'sketch' non-normative theoretical rather than a doctrinal expression accomplished.
The second reason for the originality of the philosophical theses ungeriane can be found in some of the leading ideas that he advocates a political and philosophical level with particular force in his most recently translated in our country under the title Democracy high energy - a manifesto for the left the twenty-first century. It 'a real' fourth way ', the one proposed by the Brazilian scholar in the book just mentioned, an alternative not only to the' old 'opposing political systems represented by socialism and liberalism but also in relation to systems' mixed', now widespread species West of the developed countries. Mixed systems and social democracy are a moment of synthesis that under a purely ideological is characterized not belong neither to the political vision of socialism nor endorsed by the liberalism and its inability to ensure adequate levels of justice in countries which have still political systems on the political synthesis ideologies are founded.
In the first part of Unger's Knowledge and policy articulates a complex, tight and well-argued critique of the liberal system, in particular the Brazilian philosopher addresses issues that are brought back to the liberal doctrine and psychology. In the second part, he outlines a theory that explains how it behaves a hypothetical community whose operating principles rest on fundamental concepts of personality and society, everything in order to explain the work later in the importance of interaction between men, mutual understanding and participation for each other as essential elements that help to finally overcome the contradictions and conflicts that exist between individual personality and society, between individual interests and collective interests.
In his latest work of Harvard scholar composed a mosaic of concrete proposals that aim to suggest a series of measures to promote economic development compatible with social inclusion, the establishment of a 'high-energy democracy' that is able to facilitate rapprochement of politics to the people and achieve higher levels of security and social cohesion. In such a context of reciprocity and human relationships that lead to mutual participation for the purposes of others are the glue of all the elements put in by the author and one of the factors core of the system proposed by Unger. Unger
assigns a central role in this new kind of humanism understood as an indispensable factor in providing the moral support that is essential to the resolution of the conflicts that characterize the social life within contemporary political societies.
the light of some of the most important writings of Brazilian philosopher now seems less justified than ever, the liberal hegemony - in the capitalist world, especially since it is the most varied contexts in which it appears to be dominant, has proved unsustainable, as well as incapable to take care of the existence and happiness of people.
Thought Unger was the object of several attempts to 'classification' and from time to time pulled a philosophical school policies also very different. It seems that a further demonstration of how inarticulate, universal and really alternative may seem today, the thought of Unger, therein lies perhaps the reasons for the growing interest has developed recently around his work.
Gianni Vattimo, who has written an interesting commentary on the direction taken by the Brazilian philosopher in his latest book, Democracy at high energy - a manifesto for the left of the twenty-first century, associates the thought of the philosopher to the current Brazilian in the afterword neopragmatismo while at the same volume, Massimiliano Unger Panarari includes among thinkers 'civic-political', name by which he defines the group of scholars which should be attributed to the 'massive' return of philosophy to social and political themes heard much in recent years.
Meanwhile, a prominent scholar like Richard Rorty expresses the view that unlike the thinking that characterize highly polemical authors such as Foucault and Derrida's thought Unger rather than deconstruction tends to improve gradually, not traumatic, aimed to 'build with what we already have '.
deserves to be mentioned also the opinion of Cornel West, who in 1998 Unger published the book: 'The future of American progressivism: an initiative for Political and Economic Reform '. West, a well-known African-American radical intellectual in the United States, places the 'experimentation emancipatory' Unger midway between the thought of John Dewey and that of Antonio Gramsci. Cornel West writes that the point of view of Unger can be defined as the most complex case of 'third way' romance of the left that now moves across the board compared to the Western liberal intelligentsia.
knowledge and politics is the most significant and best known of Unger, which contains the theoretical foundations and key concepts that characterize the thinking of Brazilian philosopher and author will be developed in various directions and fields in his later works.
E 'the same Unger explains that very effectively, in a short note placed at the start of volume and intent that he aims to achieve with its study:
Writing this essay was an act of hope. The essay points out a kind of thought and society that does not exist yet and may never exist. Therefore, the work is a sketch that the complete expression of a doctrine. Can not claim to be the formulation of a metaphysical or a discussion of concrete problems. Instead of seeking to complete a task but perhaps less ambitious priorities: to understand the context within which ideas and feelings should be practiced today, the philosophy and politics.
Having cleared the field with respect to possible mistakes and misunderstandings that may be subject to his theory emphasizing the element of 'provisional theory', Unger is quick to highlight the true objective of his study: to show the scope in which today the political and philosophical discussions that concern can and must move. Precisely this seems to be one of the greatest merits of this scholar, who always seems to focus on research of new political theory courses.
different and very concrete proposals for change made by Roberto Unger for the creation of an alternative political-economic program aimed at triggering, developing countries that supposedly should do it right, a process of growth with social inclusion:
1) Must be adequately stimulated the development of macroeconomic policies that allow developing countries to approach the market economy and the global dynamics provided that the political outlook in these countries to ensure growth based on social inclusion.
2) The system of government has a duty to equip individuals in an appropriate manner and focused in terms of education. In regard to the proposal made by Unger is the following: the main
responsibility for education in a democracy, both in rich countries than in poor ones, must be to provide individuals with the ability to act and think in the present, the existing situation, and at the same time provide the means to overcome the present situation .
In terms of specific content that should characterize education, the Brazilian philosopher expresses the idea that education should
establishing a set of general ability and prepare the mind to engage in a culture based on experience. Regarding the attitude of the class system, it must deepen and bring out the contradiction between class and meritocracy, rather than stifle it.
For Unger that means everything to provide support aimed at encouraging and advancing and developing, especially within the universe of youth, talent and capacity for initiative.
3) progressives, even in developing countries should adopt or promote policies that promote, at institutional, economic innovations designed to:
a) facilitate access to credit by extending it to wider segments of the population;
b ) to allow an increase in the possibility, by everyone, use of technology;
c) broaden the opportunities to acquire higher levels of capacity professional.
policy that the Left should propose the future should be, according to the terminology used by Unger, "in creating the institutions of a democracy with a high energy value."
addition, the design of a new institutional order should include the provision of practical measures to promote democratic participation and political participation of citizens who can truly be called such. According to this institutional design, the reorganization of the social context is based on the 'nearness' of the apparatus of the policy to the people, represented by the political parties and organized collective movements, in fact, should have the ability to channel these the energy that people are naturally equipped with its access to mass media and the campaign financing as we know it today, in this part of Unger's book refers to countries in the developing world but the problem, as is evident, it is universally felt, may not be through the use of private resources, electoral competition should instead be funded with public resources and that, at least in theory, should make the candidates for political office less vulnerable to the power of the various lobbies that exert constant pressure on them and in general of the party machinery to support their candidacy.
policy should be active sufficiently encouraged by institutional reforms designed ad hoc Unger provides a good example of what it means to make 'presentable' and worth talking about turning the active policy of direct elections of a strong president: it may serve to undermine and revoke the agreements links between political groups and economic benefit of greater transparency and respect for political decisions more consistent with the needs and desires of the electorate.
Further policy proposals to which the left should be the bearer should strive for freedom to experiment with alternative management methods to be applied to certain sectors of the economy or in particular areas of country. According to the Brazilian philosopher,
local governments or the network of activities and social organizations should be enabled to dissociate themselves from the dominant solutions, as long as doing so does not create a system of dependency and oppression from which their members may not be removed easily .
E ', here, the clear intent of our philosopher to adopt solutions that avert restrictions on human freedom, which would also be contrary to the principle advocated by the same Unger for greater democratization of a market that should be characterized mainly by increased' inclusiveness' in respect of the weaker classes. As in
'Knowledge and Politics', Democracy in the high-energy Unger gives the individual a more extensive role and a responsibility for the construction of a democracy that has value is truly innovative. Proposals by the Brazilian philosopher taken further steps with respect to the ideals of the left and progressives generally democratic but in fact unable to differentiate the liberal-conservative policy proposals. The revolutionary thought of grease can also be captured in the assertion that the individual "must be the holder of a basic package of rights and benefits completely independent of the work they do." According to Unger, the individual should be allowed a certain amount of resources provided by the public sector, with which to address particular situations of their lives that require the availability of economic resources beyond ordinary (think buying a house, to pay the costs related to education, incurring expenses of starting a business, etc.).. In this way, according to the Brazilian scholar
The family assets, attributable to a few, would then be gradually replaced by a social heritage, open to all. Furthermore, it should create a special area in the executive, given the means to intervene on specific organizations or practices rooted special conditions of disadvantage and exclusion to which the individual is unable to escape by whatever means it generally has at its disposal, namely the political and economic activity.
measures, those proposed by Unger, whose practical application would require, in more than one case, the subversion of the cultural parameters that we have always been accustomed.
John Graziano missing
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